Writing by Mhuu
Thit
translated by , Sithu Aung
Photo - Myanmar State Counsellor Office
Historical backgrounds are a critical component in discussing about Myanmar’s
peace process and armed conflicts. Identities, cultures, territories, and
levels of autonomy of each ethnic group together constitute as main factors of
prolonged civil war. Even though ethnicities and dialects can be said to be
addressed and identified by the colonialism, one cannot miss out the fact that
particular languages, cultures and administrative systems of every ethnic group
had existed long before than that.
Another reason for the protracted peace-making process is the opposing notions
on extended armed conflicts between the Burmese majority and ethnic minority
groups.
The
military authorities’ excuse to every incident of armed conflicts with ethnic
groups is that they are just in operations for the sake of non-disintegration
of the union, the State’s security and territorial sovereignty. For ethnic
groups, however, the conflicts are attempts towards their autonomy and
self-determination. Battles and negations driven by self-interest may exist
beyond these two ultimate aims but the quest for equality is still the major
intention there.
The catchphrase “Non-disintegration of the Union” has made some people worry
about the risk of the country collapsing into small individual territories while
some racistly claim it to be a responsibility of the Burmese ethnic group, who believe
they have all the rights in administration of all ethnic territories over the
country. Also, in reality, Burmese majority has everything in hand: from
administration, legislation, and jurisdiction to resource exploitation,
economic management, and the widespread usage of language and cultural
celebrations. Phrases like “Non-disintegration of the Union” and “National
Securities” are propagandistically used for the sake of Burmese chauvinism.
Equality and the alleviation of Burmese racial discrimination are to be focused
as essentials in tackling armed conflicts of Myanmar. Superficially, racism is
often described to be not much strong in Myanmar, with incompatible evidences
of movie stars and singers from various ethnic groups loved and welcomed by
general public. Another example supporting that argument is that individuals of
any ethnicity, through winning elections, can contribute in the nation’s
legislation and administration processes.
In fact, an ethnic minority actor winning an academy award or an ethnic
minority singer gaining popularity are totally not the correct measures for
equality in the nation. A true equality means creating a leveled development
between the Burmese main land and the ethnic states, and giving autonomic and
self-determinative rights to the ethnic groups. Constitution of Myanmar 2008
sketchily outlines a plan for equality among ethnic groups, which actually is
obstructed by its structural details. It is stated in the constitution that
ethnic groups can participate in the elections of state (regional) and union
levels and can become part of the state’s legislation and administration.
However, certain conditions like state parliaments having only limited
legislative categories and no rights at all to appoint respective union
ministers (as the right is of the president) and administration (the general
administration department) being controlled by the Ministry of Home Affairs,
show that the ethnic groups are still under the central government
administration. The identification of constituencies in the 2008 constitution
hinders the ethnic groups’ chance for forming a local governing body.
Constituencies for the Pyithu Hluttaw are separated according to the townships,
and among the total of 330 constituencies, only over 90 of them account for
ethnic minority groups while over 230 constituencies are dominated by Burmese
majority’s political parties. This shows that it is not quite possible for
ethnic parties to form a strong, effective group in Pyithu Hluttaw, which is
critical for presidential elections. In the meanwhile, the Amyotha Hluttaw
allows each state or region to elect 12 representatives, but these seats are
again shared between ethnic minorities of each state.
It is not just that the 2008 constitution has a little room for the ethnics’
administration in the national level; these ethnic minorities do not have much
autonomy either. The 2008 constitution officially grants the military positions
in all three branches of administration, legislation and jurisdiction. Under
the prolonged military regime in the past, equal rights of ethnic groups were
lost due to the centralized administrations, and the exploitation of natural
resources for the self-interests of the authorities. Armed conflicts caused by
the absence of equality and autonomy, violations of human rights and losses of
regional resources have lasted over 66 years. Conversely, such conflicts also
give more reasons for the military’s presence in the political arena, as they
are one of the main factors why the military should be in political decision
makings.
As long as the military has its role in politics, for the sake of national
security and the non-disintegration of the union, amendment of the 2008
constitution would remain impossible, keeping the armed conflicts in continuation.
This process as a whole is nothing but a vicious cycle.
Some specialists suggest development is the main necessity in bringing an end
to the armed conflicts and attaining national peace. However, in solving
Myanmar’s armed conflicts, root causes to put into considerations are equality,
self-determination, and respect for diverse identities and cultures. In the
lack of these, discussions for peace cannot be effective at all. To comprehend all these to an applicable
level, knowing and accepting the truth is one of the necessities.
To conduct a truly operative conversation toward peace, the essential
requirements are:
1)
To accept the truth
2)
To alleviate racial discriminations
3)
To amend or reject the 2008 constitution
4)
To pace for national reconciliation in terms of the truth
1)
To accept the truth
Accepting the truth here means accepting the historical reality, and looking
beyond the propagandistically-made history spread though educational texts and among
the society to recognize the actual history, which does not fail to highlight
the ethnic groups and their own cultural backgrounds, languages and own
administrative systems. Accepting the truth also applies to a higher extent of
understanding; knowing deciding whether to separate their region from the union
or not is a right of respective ethnic groups.
2)
To alleviate racial discriminations
It means to deny the chauvinism supporting the idea that Burmese people have
the rights to administer ethnics and their regions as it has been for several previous
years. Discrimination in terms of religion, culture and language must be abolished.
Portraying ethnic armed groups as terrorists and Burmese as hero warriors in
movies and other media should not be allowed any more.
3)
To amend or reject the 2008 constitution
After comprehending the root causes of armed conflicts and rights of ethnics, amending
or rejecting the 2008 constitution, which severely affects these two, is a
necessary mission. All conducted discussions towards peace have not yet
included any points about amending the 2008 constitution in their agendas.
Without constitutional amendment, trust-building between the opposing armed
groups is unimaginable as there is no guarantee for equality. Cease-fire
agreements and actions for peace without a slight consideration about the 2008
constitution could be nothing but groundless bargains for self-interests of both
parties.
4)
To pace for national reconciliation in terms of the truth
Armed conflicts, with their adverse harms to ethnic people, have been taking
place in ethnic areas, keeping them prone to human rights violations, incidents
of armed violence and war crimes. This bitter truth must be revealed and made
heard to the public, asking for the offenders' apologies. Burmese
political leaders, in fact, have no rights to justify the wrong-doers’ deeds by
telling the ethnic victims to forgive and forget them for the sake of national
reconciliation. Actually, by means of such justification attempts, they are
committing another crime against the ethnic groups. It is unignorable that armed
conflicts bring mutual hatred and destructions, which cannot be easily
dissolved.
Throughout previous Myanmar’s peace
processes, there have often been costly peace talks, without effective
dialogues on the root causes of armed conflicts. The four essential
requirements stated in this article have not been discussed properly and
practically yet. The very basic of peace process is a simple concept “Those who
have taken away other people’s properties must return them, and those who did
wicked actions must apologize,” and Myanmar’s peace will remain a distant ideal
as long as this fact is neglected.
Mhuu Thit wrote
“Still Distant Peace in Myanmar” by his own self in Myanmar language and described
in the World Today in August, 2018.
Mhuu Thit is a
political analyst and a journalist in Myanmar and has been working in the media
field for nine years. He is currently working as an editor at the Standard Time
Digital Media, Myanmar. He has written over 100 of political and human rights
articles and features in printed Journals and Magazines such as the Street View
Journal, Human Rights Journal, D wave Journal in Myanmar. He has already
published three books in Myanmar language; one for political articles, one for
satire and one for political fiction.
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